Author Topic: American Murder Mystery: Section 8 Housing and Dispersed Violent Crime  (Read 1137 times)

roo_ster

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The Atlantic has a fascinating article on the effects of demolishing housing projects (HP) and pushing Section 8 (S8) housing.

The bottom line is this:
1. HP neighborhoods were violent crime hot spots since their inception
2. In a way of thinking similar to the whole public school busing fiasco, the thought was that what poor & violent (P&V) people needed to no longer be P&V was to live next to people who weren't P&V.
3. Thus came the Fed -subsidized S8 housing blitz, where HPs were demolished and their residents sent packing bearing vouchers for rent.
4. This dispersal disrupted the gangs and criminal element to an extent...for a time.
5. Violent crime in downtown & inner cities plummeted in large metro areas like NYC & LA, as their P&V went to the burbs.
6. Over a few years time, the violent crime rates in mid-sized cities & suburbs started to rise
7. Which was a product of gangs & such acclimating to the new environemnts

The Atlantic article is heavy on human interest and light on the data, despite the data existing and driving the discovery of the phenomenon.  Too much lit-crit & not enough stats on the part of the author's education.

Also, quite a bit of mincing verbiage & beating around the bush while trying to tell facts to minority policritters who would rather ignore them .


Long, but well worth the read:
http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200807/memphis-crime
A snippet:
Quote
About five years ago, Janikowski embarked on a more ambitious project. Hed built up enough trust with the police to get them to send him daily crime and arrest reports, including addresses and types of crime. He began mapping all violent and property crimes, block by block, across the city. These cops on the streets were saying that crime patterns are changing, he said, so he wanted to look into it.

When his map was complete, a clear if strangely shaped pattern emerged: Wait a minute, he recalled thinking. I see this bunny rabbit coming up. People are going to accuse me of being on shrooms! The inner city, where crime used to be concentrated, was now clean. But everywhere else looked much worse: arrests had skyrocketed along two corridors north and west of the central city (the bunny rabbits ears) and along one in the southeast (the tail). Hot spots had proliferated since the mid-1990s, and little islands of crime had sprung up where none had existed before, dotting the map all around the city.

Janikowski might not have managed to pinpoint the cause of this pattern if he hadnt been married to Phyllis Betts, a housing expert at the University of Memphis. Betts and Janikowski have two dogs, three cats, and no kids; they both tend to bring their work home with them. Betts had been evaluating the impact of one of the city governments most ambitious initiatives: the demolition of the citys public-housing projects, as part of a nationwide experiment to free the poor from the destructive effects of concentrated poverty. Memphis demolished its first project in 1997. The city gave former residents federal Section8 rent-subsidy vouchers and encouraged them to move out to new neighborhoods. Two more waves of demolition followed over the next nine years, dispersing tens of thousands of poor people into the wider metro community.

If police departments are usually stingy with their information, housing departments are even more so. Getting addresses of Section 8 holders is difficult, because the departments want to protect the residents privacy. Betts, however, helps the city track where the former residents of public housing have moved. Over time, she and Janikowski realized that they were doing their fieldwork in the same neighborhoods.

About six months ago, they decided to put a hunch to the test. Janikowski merged his computer map of crime patterns with Bettss map of Section8 rentals. Where Janikowski saw a bunny rabbit, Betts saw a sideways horseshoe (He has a better imagination, she said). Otherwise, the match was near-perfect. On the merged map, dense violent-crime areas are shaded dark blue, and Section8 addresses are represented by little red dots. All of the dark-blue areas are covered in little red dots, like bursts of gunfire. The rest of the city has almost no dots.

Regards,

roo_ster

“Fallacies do not cease to be fallacies because they become fashions.”
----G.K. Chesterton

Hawkmoon

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You can take the punk out of the 'hood, but you can't take the 'hood out of the punk.

Section 8 is no different than regular public housing. It's giving something to people who don't work for it. That's the problem. They regard it as an entitlement, and from there they progress to regarding anything they want (especially if it belongs to someone else) as an entitlement as well.
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just Warren

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My wife and I were apartment managers in a section of Torrance that was not known for high crime or a lot of violence. All of sudden there was grafitti, screaming matches on the street, a woman forced into a car, loads of petty thefts, and a few muggings.

We were puzzled until we found out the feds had purchased (?) a building and turned into Section 8 housing. And it wasn't the old folks S8 housing either. So a few weeks later we packed up and left.

Some people are scum. There is no point in mixing them with good folks.
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Manedwolf

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I think the most profound thing I'd heard regarding it was from one despairing woman whose family had worked hard for a good life, enough to buy their own home in a nicer neighborhood. Then Section 8 moved in, and there were the gangs and drugs again.

She said "We worked hard to escape the ghetto. We didn't ever think it would follow us here."